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HAWAIIAN ANNEXATION 

AND 

EXTENSION OF AMERICAN INFLUENCE. 



SPEECH 



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HON. ALBERT M. TODD. 



Oin ISlZCJrZTGrJ^lsr 



IN THE 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 



JUISrE 15, 1898. 



"IlaTing practiced the acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years, the 
question of constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one -with iis." 

—Lincoln. 



18U8. 

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^ Ilawaiian Annexation and tlie Extension of American 
-^ Influence. 



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V» O how canst thoa renounce the boundless store 

* Of charms which Nature to her votary yields: 

4^* The warbling woodland, the resounding shore, 

^ The pomp of groves, and garniture of fields; 

• All that the genial ray of morning gilds, 

' And all that echoes to the song of evea, 

All that the mountain's sheltering bosom shields, 
And all the dread magnificence of heaven: 
O how canst thou renounce, and hope to be forgiven? 

There is no constitutional difficulty as to the acquisition of territory, and 
whether when acquired it may be taken into the Union by the Constitution 
as it now stands will become a question of expediency.— Je^erson. 



SPEECH 

OF 

HON. ALBBET M. TODD, 

of michigan, 
In the House of Eepresentatiyes^ 

Wednesday, June 15, 1898. 

The House having under consideration the joint resolution (H. Res. 259) to 
provide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States- 
Mr. TODD said: 

Mr. Speaker: The importance of the pending resolntion, by 
which it is proposed to annex to the territory of our Union distant 
islands of the sea, many of whoie inhabitants differ from tis in 
language, religion, and social customs, can not be overestimated. 
1 have tlierefore listened with interest to the arguments of those 
gentlemen who have so ably opposed the resolution, actuated by 
motives which, I trust, are patriotic, and for reasons which, in 
their judgment, are for the best interests of the American people. 
And, sir, I too should view this action with alarm if I thought 
their fears and objections v^ere well grounded, and that it was 
the purpose of this measure to inaugurate an era of imperial 
aggrandizement by an aggressive colonial policy through military 
conquest over weaker nations, resulting in riveting a more rigor- 
ous and centralized government upon our citizens, enforced hj a 
great standing army. If I thought this was the inspiring motive, 
I should give both my vote and voice in opposition. 

But, sir, I am glad to say that, highly as I personally respect the 
opponents of the measure, I believe their fears are largely ground- 
less and that a careful survey of the entire question furnishes an 
overwhelming evidence in favor of annexation. 

NO CONQUEST CONTEMPLATED. 

It is known to everyone that the proposed measure does not con- 
template any invasion of the islands by force of arms or their 
coaquest by what is often a more dangerous power, subtle diplo- 
macy. On the contrary, the contemplated action is one that was 
3 3579 



first urged by the Hawaii ans thpmselves nearly fifly years ago, 
and which they have ever since had constantly in view. It is no 
new question or policy of either our nation or the little common- 
wealth that seeks the protection of our flag, the fellowship of our 
people, and the benefits of our civilizat on. I shall briefly review 
the history of these interesting negotiations, the reasons in favor 
of annexation, with a glance at the history and nature of the 
islands, and the objections urged against the adoption of this reso- 
lution. 

THE CONTEMPLATED ANKEXATIOX THE RESULT OF FRIENDLY NEGOTIA- 
TIONS. 

In 1851 the King, hard pressed by the aggressions of England 
and France, first formally sought the protection of our nation by 
delivering to our representative a deed of cession of the islands to 
the United States. In 1854 our Secretary of State authorized a 
treaty of annexation, but the negotiations were broken by the 
death of the King while they were pending. In 1898 a new annex- 
ation treaty was negotiated, but while pending in our Senate a 
change of Administration caused its withdrawal by the Pres dent 
before ratification. June 16, 1897, a treaty was again negotiated 
similar to the pending resolution, and which, with other papers 
related to the sub.iect, I will submit as an appendix to my re- 
marks. This treaty has been already approved by the people of 
Hawaii and ratified by their Senate. 

There is, therefore, 'no hasty action by either party to the com- 
pact; no undue stress; no objection by foreign nations which 
would lead to international complications. It is only the natural 
and logical result of intelligent negotiations for many years be- 
tween two sovereign nations, through their accredited representa- 
tives, acting in- friendly concert to pro7note the mutual interests 
of both nations. 

WE SHOULD BE GOVERNED ROTH BY ENLIGHTENED SELF-INTEREST AND 
THE CLAIMS OF HUMANITY. 

Mr. Speaker, I believe that nations, like individuals, should be 
actuated by the highest considerations both of their own welfare 
and that of humanity. The law of nature, through which we 
have life, makes it the first duty of every being to protect and ex- 
tend its own existence so that it can best fulfill the mission of its 
Creator, As the Creator has placed under the control of every 
person the development of his own faculties and holds him re- 
sponsible for their proper use and preservation, it may be well said 
both of nations and individuals that •' self-preservation is the first 
law of nature." But while our first duty is to ourselves, it can 
not be severed from our obligations to a world-wide humanity, of 
which we are all a part. I wish. then, to discuss this question 
both from the standpoint of American interests and welfare and 
of mankind at large. 

Indeed, Mr. Speaker, the motives which led us to the present 
war with the Kingdom of Spain are analogous to those which 
have brought forward the present measure. In both resolutions 
the protection of the rights and interests of our own nation stand 
side by side with the interests of humanity. In the joint resolu- 
tion (H, Res. 209) which I had the honor to introduce in Congress 
March 30, declaring the independence of the Cuban Republic, to 
be enforced by armed intervention, if necessary, the outrage to 
the humane and Christian sentiments of the American people, 
through the barbaric cruelties of the Spaniards toward an op- 
pressed people beyond the jurisdiction of our Government, were 
3579 



placed side by side with the assassination of our own seamen, the 
destruction of an American battle ship, and the interests of Amer- 
ican industries and commerce. 

And, sir, the result of the magnanimous spirit and lofty motives 
which inspired our nation to prevent at any sacrifice the continu- 
ance of Spanish atrocities on the Western Hemisphere has been 
that in this struggle of arms we have had the moral support of 
the great nations of the earth. Had we been actuated by merely 
selfish m^otives or a desire for conquest, the nations of Europe would 
have found in our aggressiveness a menace to the security of their 
own territorial possessions. Nor could we then have implored the 
blessings of Almighty God upon our cause, nor would His Provi- 
dence have so ordered events that the struggling native islanders 
of the Philippines as well should be freed from the barbarisms of 
the land of the Inquisition. Nor could we have hoped for the 
splendid and speedj' triumph of American arms in the Pacific 
which has inscribed the name of Admiral Dewey and his brave 
seamen above that of Lord Nelson, and made Manila Bay more 
historic than Trafalgar! [Applause.] 

THEIR STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE. 

Our war with Spain has emphasized the fact that our national 
safety and prosperity require increased harbors for vessels both 
of war and commerce. While opposed to inaugurating an era of 
imperial conquest at the expense of our free institutions, yet, be- 
lieving that this nation has a God-given mission to perform as the 
standard bearer of civil liberty and progress for the ultimate ad- 
vancement of all the nations of the earth, it becomes our duty to 
use all the means which Providence has placed before us for main- 
taining the integrity of our possessions and due respect for our 
demands, always to be founded on justice. The hostilities in which 
we are now engaged demonstrate that, as war may be sometimes 
unavoidable, it is necessary that our ships, both of war and peace, 
should have convenient harbors of refuge for safety in times of 
storm, accident, or war, as well as convenient stations for coal 
and supplies. 

England, with rare foresight, many years ago secured insular and 
littoral possessions in every corner of the earth, by which her inter- 
ests and power on land as well as sea have been greatly advanced. 

On the other hand, the lack of adequate coaling stations has, 
fortunately for us, greatly crippled the efficiency of the Spanish 
navy. It is well known that modern men-of-war, especially those 
which attain high speed and whose engines in some cases develop 
18,000 horsepower, rapidly consume enormous quantities of coal 
and, owing to their special construction, have coal storage but for 
short trips only. In fact, the question of coal supply has per- 
plexed the Spanish thus far on the Atlantic more, perhaps, than 
any other condition relative to their naval strategy. 

But aside from the necessities of our Navy, our merchant vessels 
as well need, both in peace and war, both in accident and safety, 
harbors under the protection of our flag for all of the needs of 
commerce, travel, and the advancement of science, to be liberally 
encom-aged by our Government. 

A BRIEF VIEW OF THE ISLANDS. 

The Sandwich or Hawaiian Islands lie about 600 miles north of 
the equator, their capital, Honolulu, being 2,089 miles southwest 
from San Francisco, 3,399 miles southeast of Yokohama, 4,917 
miles southeast of Hongkong, and about 4,000 miles from the 

3579 



Philippines, Australia, and New Zealand. Their combined area 
18 about 7,000 square miles, two-thirds of which is contained in the 
principal island, Hawaii. The capital city, Honolulu, is located on 
the island of Oahu, and on the coast of this island, 12 miles away, 
is situated the famous Pearl Harbor, now under control of our 
Government, said to be the finest natural harbor on the globe, 
capable of floating all the navies of the world. This harbor con- 
sists of a large inland lake, broken by islands which maintain a 
smooth surface of water, protected by hills from storms and the 
guns of hostile fleets, and connected with the sea by a long and 
narrow channel, easily fortified. 

It is objected that we have already a shorter route to China and 
Japan, with ox)portunity for a coaling station at Una^aska, in the 
Aleutian Islands, about 2,000 miles north of Hawaii; but that route 
israrely taken, owing to storms, fogs, and floating ice from the polar 
sea prevailing there, dangerous to navigation. On the other hand, 
the route via Hawaii is an ideal one in every respect, and its free- 
dom from storm is typical of the name of the ocean traversed — 
Pacific. In the event, also, of the completion of the great Nica- 
ragua Canal, through which all of our ships of commerce and 
war will quickly pass from ocean to ocean, these islands will be on 
the most direct route to China, Japan, and the Philippines. They 
are also on the direct route to Australia and New Zealand, with 
whom we have a large commerce. 

Regarding the climate and the other physical and natural at- 
tractions of the islands, an enthusiastic traveler says: 

" It is simply ' Fairyland,' ' Rainbowland;' a land of perfect rest 
and repose; a land of color; a land of magnificent hills, cloud- 
topped, of a thousand valleys and ravines, of streams and water- 
falls, of glorious sea and sky." 

I had the pleasure recently of spending an evening with the 
able and statesmanlike minister of the Hawaiian Republic, Hon. 
Lorrin A. Thurston. He showed me an extensive series of photo- 
graphs illustrating the islands, their people, products, vegetation, 
etc.. and it certainly seemed like fairyland indeed. 

Each island consists of one or more mountains, with valleys and 
plains between. The soil is decomposed lava, irrigated by moun- 
tain streams and wells. The principal products are sugar, coffee, 
and fruits. About 80,000 acres are devoted to sugar cane, and in 
1896, 221,000 tons of sugar were exported. If annexed to this coun- 
try, this sugar will reach American consumers free of duty, and 
the combine of the oppressive sugar trust may be broken. 

The healthful and balmy climate has given these islands the 
appellation of ' ' The Paradise of the Pacific." The temperature is 
mild and even, averaging about 82° in summer and 74'' in winter. 
The lowest temperature at the level of the sea in winter is about 
56' and the warmest in summer about 88°. The cool northeast 
trade winds blow eight or nine months in the year. 

With all these gifts of nature inviting us, as well as the entreat- 
ies of the citizens of this little Commonwealth, who desire to enjoy 
our institutions, how can we refuse? As the muse best expresses it: 

O how canst thou renounce the boundless store 
Of charms which Nature to her votary yields; 

The warbling woodland, the resounding shore. 
The pomp of groves, and garniture of fields; 

All that the genial ray of morning gilds, 
And all that echoes to the song of even, 

All that the mountain's sheltering bosom shields, 
And all the dread magnificence of heaven: 
O how canst thou renounce, and hope to be forgiven? 
3579 



THE NATIVE RACE. 

When Capt. James Cook discovered (or rediscovered) these 
islands December 8, 1778, while circumnavigating the globe with 
his armed vessels, the Resolution and Discovery, as so interestingly 
n.irrated in his famous Voyages, he found a confiding race of 
aborigines, who welcomed him and afterwards woi'shiped him 
as a god, the number of whom he estimated at 400,000. During 
fierce wars for supremacy among rival chiefs nearly one-half of 
the inhabitants lost their lives about the beginning of the present 
century. 

THE DESTRUCTIVE EFFECTS OF "MODERN CIVILIZATION" UPON THE 
ISLANDS. 

It is a sad fact that although in 1840 King Kamehameha III, called 
*' The Good,'" granted the people a constitution, abolished idolatry, 
and encouraged Christianity, yet contact with "civilization," 
through contagious disease, and more especially the importation 
or intoxicating liquors, with the art of producing them, has so 
decimated the population that in 1896 but 81,000 native Hawaiians 
remained! And all authorities agree that in but a few years a 
once happy people of trusttul and confiding " children of nature" 
Will be e : tinct, with no trace except in history! What a commen- 
tary on our c vilization! Our own country is witnessing a like 
passing of the "-Red Men of the Forest." And if the influence of 
strong drink has so rapidly decimated the aboriginies, inured to 
privations and hardships, who can measure the extent of its bane- 
ful effects on the happiness, the power, and the lives of our " civ- 
ilized ■' Anglo-Saxon nation? 

POPULATION. 

The census of 1896 shows the population to be 109,020. 

In round numbers the different nationalities are represented as 
follows: 

Native Hawaiians 31,000 

Japanese 24, 400 

Portuguese 15, 100 

Chinese _ 21,600 

Part Hawaiian and -p-dvt foreign blood. . . 8, 400 

Americans 3, 400 

British _ 2,200 

Gtrman.... 1,400 

Norwegian and French 479 

All other nationalities 1, 035 

Expressed in percentage the population is as follows: 

Per cent. 

Native Hawaiian 28 

Japanese _ _ 22 

Chinese 20 

Americans and Europeans by birth or descent _ . "_ 22 

Mixed blood _ 8 

FORM OF GOVERNMENT, PAST, PRESENT, AND AS PROPOSED BY ANNEXATION. 

Early in the present century the tribes of the various isles were 
united in a Kingdom by Kamehameha I, chief of the most power- 
ful tribe. This, said to be the "noblest of all savage dynasties," 
ended in 1872 by the death of Kamehameha IV. The Govern- 
ing^ t. however, remained a monarchy until January, 1893, when 
Qu^oU Liliuokalani attempted to abrogate certain constitutional 
rights and to disfranchise the white population. 

3579 



Thereupon a i:)rovisional government was established and a con- 
stitution framed and adopted, which was promulgated on July 4. 
1894, the people desiring that the two nations should be united 
by the same historic birthday. Thus by every avenue open to 
them the Hawaiians show the'sympathy and love for our country 
and its institutions. 

CHINESE WILL BE EXCLUDED. 

Objection is made that Asiatics will be thus allowed citizenship, 
and that the interests of American labor as well as the safety of 
American institutions will be jeopardized. If this were true, I 
should oppose the measure with all my power. Happily both the 
facts and effects are the opposite, for it will be seen by referring 
to the resolution of annexation that the islands are to be "annexed 
as a part of the territory of the United States, and are subject to 
the dominion thereof," etc. 

It is also further provided that, " There shall be no further im- 
migration of Chinese into the Hawaiian Islands except upon such 
conditions as are now or may be hereafter allowed by the laws of 
the United States; and no Chinese, by reason of anything con- 
tained herein, shall be allowed to enter the United States from 
the Hawaiian Islands. 

" The President [of the United States] shall appoint five com- 
missioners, at least two of whom shall be residents of the Hawaiian 
Islands, who shall, as soon as reasonably practicable, recommend 
to Congress such legislation concerning the Hawaiian Islands as 
they shall deem necessary or proper." 

It is also stipulated that pending the above legislation the pres- 
ent laws of the Republic of Hawaii shall be in force, so far as they 
do not conflict wiih the Constitution or laws of the United States. 
By the present laws of Hawaii, Asia.tics are not eligible to citizen- 
ship or to a vote. Thus the interests of labor as well as the in- 
tegrity of our institutions seem to be fully protected. Futher- 
more, labor should be benefited by the enlarged market for its 
products and the decreased cost of the sugar it consumes. 

The present government is almost identical with our own. The 
members of its Senate and House of Representatives are elected for 
the same term as ours. Their President, whom many of us have 
met, is of American parentage and a graduate of Williams Col- 
lege. The foundation of their laws, like ours, is the common law 
of England, and their courts are founded on the American system. 
Thus they are already accustomed to our institutions and laws. 

THE CONSTITUTIONAL ARGUMENT. 

But objection is made that there is no authority in the Consti- 
tution for acquiring foreign territory. If this were true, Mr. 
Chairman, a gi-eat part, more than half, of our present territory, in- 
cluding some of our most important States, is not properly within 
the Union. Who shall say that the many States comprised in the 
Louisiana purchase, and California, Texas, and New Mexico 
should have been repelled? 

But, sir, on this question, as on others, we have the highest au- 
thorities for saying not only that foreign territory can be annexed 
when done for just reasons, without a violation of the Constitution 
as liberally construed, but where the Constitution is defective by 
reason of contingencies not thought of by its framers, it is our 
duty then, as always, to be guided by an enlightened conscience 
as the needs of our nation and those of humanity shall dictate. 
3759 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



019 944 352 5 



8 

The Constitution was intended to secure civil rights and enlarge 
the benefits of free goveriiment— not to abridge them. 

But happily we have many high constitutional authorities as 
well as historic precedents for the proposed annexation. These 
having already been brought to public attention, 1 shall only 
briefly refer to a few instances. 

When the Louisiana purchase was under consideration, the 
great Jefferson, who. as the author of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, on which the Constitution was after wards based, should 
l3e the highest authority, said: 

"There is no constitutional difficulty as to the acquisition of 
territory, and whether when acquired it may be taken into the 
Union by the Constitution as it now stands will become a ques- 
tion of expediency." 

President Lincoln also eaid: 

" Having practiced the acquisition of territory for nearlj'' sixty 
j-ears. the question of constitutional power to do so is no longer 
an open one with us. * * * On this whole proposition, includ- 
ing the appropriation of money for the acquisition of territory, 
does not the expediency amount to almost necessity, without 
which the Government itself can not be perpetuated?" 

In the Dred Scott dectSion Chief Justice Taney said: 

"The power to expand the territory of the United States by the 
admission of new States is plainly given; and in the construction 
of this power by all the departments of the Government it has been 
held to authorize the acquisition of territory, not fit for admission 
at the time, but to be admitted as soon as its population and situa- 
tion would entitle it to admission, it is" acquired to become a 
State, and not to be held as a colony and governed by Congress 
with absolute authority; and as the propriety of admitting a new 
State is committed to the sound discretion of Congress, the power 
to acquire territory for that purpose, to be held by the United 
States until it is in a suitable condition to become a State upon an 
equal footing with other States, must rest upon the same discretion. 

'•It is a question for the political department of the Govern- 
ment, and not the judicial; and whatever the political department 
of the Government shall recognize as within the limits of the 
United States the judicial department is also bound to recognize, 
and to administer in it the laws of the United States, so far as 
they apply, and to maintain in the territory the authority and 
rights of the Government, and also the personal rights and rights 
of property of individual citizens, as secured by the Constitution." 

So, according to this learned judge, the power of Congress in 
regard to territorial acquisition is supreme, and not subject to 
the review of the Supreme Court. 

It simply remains, then, to decide " What is for the highest inter- 
ests of our nation and humanity?" Having faith, Mr. Speaker, 
that the American people will continue to be inspired with hu- 
mane and lofty motives, I trust the proposed measure will pass 
and that our action in rescuing the oppressed people both of the 
West Indies and the Philippines, joined to this, will be the auspi- 
cious introduction to a century of advancement for us and for all 
mankind! [Applause.] 
2579 



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019 944 352 5 



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